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Buchanan and the Argument For Decent Minimum Health Care

In “The Right to a Decent Minimum of Health Care,” Allen E. Buchanan argues that the idea of a right to a “decent minimum of health care” is invalid support for the creation of a mandatory decent minimum policy by a society. The main flaw Buchanan points to in this concept is the lack of a concrete theory of justice to support it. Buchanan argues that a more effective method for justifying the creation of a mandatory coercively backed decent minimum policy would be to make multiple arguments that focus on the topics of special rights, the prevention of harm, and enforced beneficence. 

Buchanan reasons that the concept of a right to a decent minimum of healthcare is invalid because there is no clear theory of justice that exists to support the concept. I disagree with this argument. In multiple societies, including the United States, concepts of basic human rights function without being attached to specific theories of justice. For example, American citizens vary and have varied on which theory of justice they adhere to or if they adhere to one at all. Nevertheless, the majority of Americans accept rights such as freedom of speech or religion. These rights are used commonly in decision making and policy creation in the US, and are even an integral part of America’s Constitution despite there being no specific theory of justice that is universally pointed to as justification for these ideas. I would argue this is because these concepts apply more to a sense of common human beneficence than they do to theories of justice. Many support an argument if they believe that it is beneficent before they attempt to apply the lens of a specific theory of justice. 

I can understand reasoning for why relying on a right to decent minimum health care alone might not be strong enough to justify a decent minimum health care policy. However, I feel as though the concept of a right to minimum healthcare may still be seen as a valid argument among the other’s that Buchanan offers for the creation of coercively backed minimum healthcare. I believe that this concept of an inherent right can work in tangent to Buchanan’s arguments. Buchan’s arguments can be combined with the idea of an inherent right in order to strengthen the overall justification for a mandatory coercively backed decent minimum policy. 

Buchanan: Just Because Something is “Good” Doesn’t Mean That it is Obligatory

This excerpt from Buchanan’s article delivers his arguments against the notion for a universal right to a decent minimum of healthcare. Aside from giving a thorough explannation of what is meant by a decent minimum of care, Buchanan provides details on how such a notion was created and why it has been viewed as favorable. For one, such a notion for a universal right to decent minimum helthcare feels more socially moral, and as Buchanan mentions, disagreeing with this universal right is forwned upon by the masses. In addition to that,

In my opinion, the most interesting argument presented by Buchanan, and that relates the most to what we have been learning throughout this course, is his explanation of what a “right” is in philosophy (its definition is heavily disputed) and that just because he’s arguing that there isn’t a right to a universal minimum of healthcare, doesn’t mean that there shouldn’t be minimal healthcare and that that would likely be great for the world. Buchanan asserts that just because universal decent minimal healthcare would be great for society, doesn’t automatically mean that everyone has a right to it. This is a perspective that I never considered, however it is reasonable and logical, while also easing the guilt/burden of those who do wish there was universal decent minimal healthcare, but know deep down that is isn’t feasible at this day and age.

One obvious issue with this proposed universal right highlighted by Buchanan is the determination of what is “decent minimum healthcare”. s we’ve studied throughout this philosophy class, such a theoretical distinction is too ambiguous to apply to real life. How can we determine what is minimum healthcare, Buchanan asks. How do we decide who gets what care, especially since different groups (around the world) likely face different health issues and therefore require special treatments? Fortunately Buchanan does focus on this issue as he explains that is special healthcare was given, it would have to target individual groups and circumstance. An example he gave is special healthcare for African-Americans who are the descendants of former slaves. He says that if (but there’s no “if”) descendent of slaves are negatively impacted by their people’s past oppression, they should be given more healthcare opportunities-in this case, that would be completely fair since this group of people was set back in this country compared to their non-black counterparts. He also gives a similar example pertaining to Native Americans.

All in all, Buchanan provides detailed, logical, assertions that counteract the notion for the right to a universal decent minimal right to healthcare founded in the view that such a notion should not be viewed as a “right” just because it would be beneficial for many people, and that even if it were a “right” it would be nearly impossible to achieve in today’s world.

Allen E. Buchanan: Attractions and Specialized Right to the Decent Minimum Policy

In “The Right to a Decent Minimum of Health Care”, Allen E. Buchanan argues the faulty premises of universal right being justifiable for a mandatory decent minimum policy in health care. First, he explains logically and coherently the attraction towards, not the reasoning for, a mandated decent minimum policy for healthcare by our rational thought. Next, he explicitly explains through the combined weight of arguments from special rights to healthcare, harm-prevention, prudential arguments, and enforced beneficence is sufficient enough for a decent minimum of healthcare. In his special rights to healthcare, Buchanan emphasizes that there be no individual right to health care but a societal duty relying on the actions of all. 

Buchanan explains his three main reasons why a decent minimum policy seems to be a great idea at first glance. First, allocating resources from health care to other social policies would be a byproduct of health care having a decent, adequate minimum; as many prioritize health differently. It also stays on track with the societal obligation to help those in need and those of the less fortunate. Lastly, Buchanan exclaims that it is a floor beneath an individual, a safety net of some sort, to allow a person to put some priority on their health care. I agree with the second and third points of Buchanan’s interpretations of attractions towards the decent minimum policy; societal obligation and a safety net. However, his first point runs on the same assumption made by Alan Goldman, in which health and longevity are not priorities to a large majority of society. I would believe that most of our social policy expenditures are on health care and education to better ourselves as humans, so most of society would still spend money on a “higher level” of health care despite the decent minimum. This idea intertwines with the idea of individual autonomy, as the freedom to choose ideal personal health care is enhanced when nutrition is in its best form. Therefore, allocating resources would be a difficult task as this creates equal opportunity in such a case for those who do not prioritize health at such a high value. From an economic, realistic point of view, this may be exceeding the resources health care can provide and making the decent minimum policy less attractive.

In his suggestion to alter the decent minimum of health care, Buchanan argues the idea for special, not universal, rights to fit the definition of the decent minimum more effectively. Buchanan is attempting to enhance the decent minimum policy by disintegrating the vagueness of a universal right. He, once again, uses three primary groups of people that should receive a decent minimum policy. One group for those involved in a rectifying past or present of injustice, such as Native Americans. Another group for those who have suffered unjust harm or been unjustly exposed to harm by others. And a final group for those who have had exceptional sacrifices for the good of society, such as the military. I believe Buchanan does a great job transitioning to these arguments after explaining the counter of why a decent minimum seems but not is, a great idea. I agree with a more specialized right rather than a universal right, but, in my opinion, it seems to be specialized to the point of little to no effect depending on the requirements of the groupings. Also, it could be argued as discriminatory. With more details to his specialization, Buchanan effectively eliminates the universal rule to the decent minimum policy. Overall Buchanan is relying heavily on societal duty, through the sums of individual action, and aspiration of a decent minimum of health care. He fails to ensure and solidify his different approach to dividing health care for society, but does offer an interesting opinion.

Daniels on Healthcare

There has always been and will always be arguments surrounding the need for the more socialist style of healthcare. Healthcare where the discrepancies between wealth and education do not matter- the only priority is making someone better, no matter the cost. Norman Daniels argues for this equal opportunity rights. The backbone of his argument dictating that; disease and disabilities restrict a person’s range of opportunities, and healthcare’s job is to maintain the “normal” functioning of people so that they too can have access to all of life’s opportunities. He argues that prior education status or wealth should in no way affect this right to healthcare as it is the basis of our functioning society.

Arguments arise surrounding this topic. Questions such as; too what extent should “free treatments,” be given out to people? From Daniels argument, it can be said that any issues considered to affect someone’s range of opportunities should be treated fairly with healthcare; however, assessing what affects this is difficult. How much treatment is too much? How much is too little? It is entirely subjective. Being from the UK this is an area of significant interest for me. In the UK, we have the NHS, considered as the first real socialist form of healthcare. From an outsider’s perspective, it seems excellent and fair for all, but under the shell, it is the cause for numerous issues. If you spoke to a Briton, most would say that the NHS is dying and is an awful system, altogether. There is a lack of care in all aspects. The NHS is spending large quantities of its budget on the treatment of just a few diseases, those relating to; smoking; obesity and type 2 diabetes. These three alone consuming around 85% of the NHS budget. Now, as a patient in the system, these lack of funds show in the quality of the hospitals (most are relatively small and look not far off a prison. Nothing compared to Emory.) As well as, in the wait times (at minimum 2 hours) and even in the parking (costing not far off $10 an hour). The whole experience of healthcare is awful. Not only as patients but also as doctors because this lack of money finds its way to them, most getting paid just over minimum wage to work long and tiring shifts. Everyone in the NHS system is overworked on the whole. So, from afar healthcare for everyone seems fair and just, however, once put into reality, some may argue it worsens care as a whole. In theory, it works, in practicality maybe not so much.

Now Daniels does make some arguments surrounding what he deems to be a limit on “necessary treatment.” Using his principle that healthcare’s job is to improve a person’s functionality and allow them to have fair opportunities to everyone else- Daniels claims that anything outside of this does not warrant healthcare. An example of this being plastic surgery or cosmetic surgery. These surgeries are there to enhance your appearance only and that by doing them it does not improve your equal opportunity rights. They do not enhance or improve functionality or ability. It is in areas such as this that Daniels draws his line. Healthcare, according to him, has one purpose, keep people functioning at the best they can so that they too can have equal opportunities.

Daniels does present a well-argued view on healthcare and the need for it. He presents a good argument as to what is considered “necessary treatment,” and what should be covered under healthcare. However, looking at a first-hand example of healthcare, it is easy to see where cracks begin to open in his argument and the practicalities of a healthcare system. Questions indeed arise in the UK and my family in terms of the weighing of costs vs quality of care. Is free healthcare worth it despite the quality of care being poor? Is it worth just paying for private healthcare which gives faster results and better overall care? These are questions I am thankful enough to ask due to my position and ability to answer them; however, for some, these questions can never be answered as they cannot afford private healthcare. Healthcare as a topic is complicated, and there is no single solution. However, using Daniels theories, it is easier to quantify what treatments fall under the healthcare bracket of care.

A Reflection on Faden and Beauchamp’s Concept of Informed Consent

Faden and Beauchamp differentiate two definitions of Informed consent. In their entry “The Concept of Informed Consent”, they label these two definitions into different senses. The first sense, labeled Sense1, distinguishes informed consent as being “active authorization” by the patient. This is to be differentiated from agreeing or submitting to an authoritative figure, in which Faden gives an interesting example; A child submitting to a punishment such as a spanking from an authoritative figure, like a parent, and the child giving an active directive to do so of their own autonomy are distinct. Sense1 can be defined as a patient of their own autonomy who has substantial understanding of the procedure intentionally authorizing a professional to perform said procedure. Katz views informed consent and shared decision-making between patient and doctor as synonymous, to which Faden Beauchamp do not agree. They view shared decision-making to be manipulative and under the Sense1 definition, a shared decision does not need to be reached for a patient to exercise autonomous authorization.

Conversely, the second sense, labeled Sense2, is defined as effective consent, or obtainment of procedures that satisfy rules and requirements of institutional practice. In other words, the informed consent that was valid in sense1 is only valid in sense2 if they meet the requirements -often of social or legal design- of that said practice. The example Faden gives is a 19-year-old giving authorized consent to a kidney transplant. This meets the definition of informed consent in Sense1, however because the law states the legal age of consent to surgery is 21, the decision is not valid under Sense2. Adequate consent in Sense1 does not always equal adequate consent in Sense2 and vice versa. Faden and Beauchamp rest on the idea that the justification behind obtaining informed consent is in deference to autonomy. While Sense2 is “morally acceptable” even when it differs significantly from Sense1, it can veer away from the absolute necessity for authoritative autonomy and therefore prove problematic in terms of morality.

Informed Consent Reflection

Informed Consent is crucial in the field of medicine and science so that patients or subjects know of the consequences that could arise from a certain procedure or research. Without this framework of consent put in place to allow patients to be autonomous with their decisions, or at least most of their decisions if they are able to make such a decision, the results could be catastrophic.

In the article “The Concept of Informed Consent” by Ruth Faden and Tom Beauchamp, two very clear views of consent were distinguished. These views include autonomous authorization and informed consent as effective consent, or otherwise known as sense1 and sense2 respectively.

Sense1, or autonomous authorization, takes into effect when a patient provides more than an expressed agreement with, or the patient complies, with an arrangement or proposal. The patient would need to actively authorize the professional to move forward with a procedure or research. Sense1 also contains four acts in which the patient is required to follow. These acts include; (1) Substantial understanding (2) Substantial absence of control by others (3) Intentional compliance (4) authorization of a professional. Without the complete actions of one through four, the consent becomes obsolete and is no longer under the branch of informed consent. A patient may abide by the first three steps, but without the fourth, the consent no longer follows such rules set by autonomous authorization and that is what distinguishes informed consent as a kind of autonomous action.

Sense2, or informed consent as effective consent, stated as a “…policy-oriented sense whose conditions are not derivable solely from analysis of autonomy and authorization…” (Faden and Beauchamp). This sense is based on a legally or institutionally effective authorization, and it focuses on regulating the behavior of the professional and it also establishes rules and procedures for the consent of the patient or subject.

Lastly, the article mentions shared decisionmaking between the professional and the patient, and this form of decisionmaking is unethical. This form is unethical due to the manipulative properties and may distort the patient’s views and decisions causing them to possibly make a decision that was unintentional in the first place. Without the framework of informed consent from both senses, the medical and scientific field would be filled with unethical, and morally questionable, practices, completely demolishing the patient or subject and professional relationship.

Unresolved Ambiguities within the Canterbury Court Decision

Defining a foolproof protocol for informed consent within medicine requires courts to quantify something that cannot be quantified. The amount of ambiguity within this court decision may have concerning consequences for patients. The court is overall reasonable in setting precedent for this complex issue. However, potential problems remain, both as a function of the inherently convoluted topic of informed consent and of certain gaps within the court’s ruling.

How much information physicians should disclose, when, and to whom, leaves room for debate. The court states the information needs to be “relevant” to the case and a reasonable person who would work on it must approve of this. The “relevance” of information is undeniably ambiguous, but perhaps this is impossible to cover with a single law, as the risks for craniectomies require more thorough explanation than those of wisdom teeth surgery, for example. The court provides an adequate incentive for physicians to notify patients of all potential, relevant risks: the patient can hold the physician liable in court for something that the physician did not warn them of and that had causal relationship from their procedure.

There remain many problems with the wide latitude of behavior legally protected by therapeutic privilege. It is hard to argue that this does not become a direct threat to patient autonomy. The lack of stipulations makes patients vulnerable to abuse, as the physician can take advantage of the patient with legal justification. Invoking this privilege during treatment for a patient with anxiety and depression who may experience distress is wrong, as they are still competent, autonomous beings. In extremely rare cases, such as delusional parasitosis, the use of therapeutic privilege may be appropriate. The court doesn’t specify the legal conditions when it is permissible to withhold information from the patient. The court seems to try to distinguish between non-disclosure and paternalism, but really what is the difference in practice? 

Another potential issue arises in the court’s assertion that physicians should not have to warn of inherent risks of surgery, such as infection, as people of “average sophistication” should already know such things. While in many cases this may be true, there is no algorithm for measuring someone with “average sophistication.” Infection is a serious complication and it is the patient’s right to be told.

There are bound to be points of contention in this court decision, as putting this principle into action ultimately becomes very legally intricate in the world of medicine.

Concept of Informed Consent — A reflection on Faden and Beauchamp

In the article “The Concept of Informed Consent,” Faden and Beauchamp discuss two ways of understanding informed consent: informed consent as autonomous authorization and informed consent as effective consent. The first sense of informed consent would require that a specific patient actively agree to a given procedure; to simply acquiesce — the way someone might acquiesce to punishment that she does not desire — is not sufficient. Instead, the patient must autonomously authorize the procedure 1) knowing the nature of the procedure, 2) not being controlled in her decision making, 3) intending to undertake the specific procedure, and 4) saying “yes” explicitly. This idea of informed consent would seem to require some discernible mental event in the patient; its identification might be very fact specific. Faden and Beauchamp distinguish this type of informed consent from that of “shared decision making” because informed consent does not require that the patient participate in the identification of possible treatments. It simply requires a clear and autonomous decision to go forward with one of the treatments presented by the doctor. 

The second sense of informed consent is as effective consent; this means that the physician has accorded with procedures that satisfy the rules in a particular medical context. Here the doctor must satisfy disclosure and competency rules. He must, for instance, tell the patient what the procedure is and the possible outcomes that might result. He must also make sure that the patient is of age and mentally competent. However, there doesn’t necessarily need to be some autonomous mental event within the patient in order for the doctor to proceed. Faden and Beauchamp find the second option less satisfying philosophically because, instead of getting at whether informed consent truly took place, it simply provides a framework by which to make inferences about possible consent. It gives circumstances that often go along with consent rather than necessarily identifying it in a given case. I agree that Faden and Beauchamp’s first sense is more philosophically compelling because it requires the showing of autonomous consent under particular circumstances. On the other hand, the second theory might be a more efficient legal test, because it doesn’t require as much scrutiny about the patient’s state of mind (which is difficult to identify) and instead gives certain observable criteria — such as age, mental capacity, or sobriety — that can stand in for autonomy, understanding, and intentionality. 

Faden and Beauchamp’s Informed Consent – reflection

Faden and Beauchamp make the claim in “The Concept of Informed Consent” that it is possible to have sense1 of informed consent (autonomous authorization) and fail to have sense2 of informed consent (policies that are enforced in the context of institutions). It is also possible they claim to have the roles reversed, where informed consent in sense2 has been achieved but not sense1. Their argument is valid, however in order to resolve many of the issues they bring up near the end of the selected passage, it is imperative to implement (or atleast strive to do so to the best of one’s ability) both sense1 and sense2 of informed consent at all times in medical practice, so as to protect the doctor/researcher and patients/subjects.

Sense1 of informed consent in medicine emphasizes that a patient must not simply yield to a professional when enrolling in research or commencing a medical program, but rather have the competence to understand disclosed information and freely agree to such a thing. While this does aim to ensure that autonomy is upheld and doctors are not able to implement paternalistic measures, problems are able to arise in practical situations. For example, when a doctor performs surgery on someone who may actually have autonomously authorized verbally said procedure, but when something accidentally goes wrong then sues the doctor for malpractice. In this instance, sense2 of informed consent is necessary to protect the doctor in the court of law. 

Conversely, sense2 of informed consent in medicine is defined as authorization deemed to be effective for medical and research settings; it satisfies the rules of an institution and is heavily relied upon in legal situations. Sense2 aims to settle the problem presented when only sense1 is relied upon. However with simply sense2, patients may be unprotected from what they personally view as harm. The legal authorization of research or medical intervention by a patient effectively transfers responsibility and authority to the professional and if the criteria that constitutes the legal authorization (i.e. sense2) does not employ the need of a subject’s competence to understand disclosed information and freely agree to such a thing then other problems arise. Thus reinforcing the fact that sense1 is needed to protect patients.

The authors end the passage by affirming that sense2 should and often is developed with sense1 in mind, but bring up some problems about how to exercise both in practice. I argue that both should be applied at all times, even for minor procedures so that patients and doctors are protected both in terms of general wellness and legal situations. 

Reflection on The Concept of Informed Consent by Faden and Beauchamp

In “The Concept of Informed Consent”, by Ruth Faden and Tom Beauchamp, they discuss the two primary philosophies of informed consent, which they label Sense1 and Sense2. Sense1’s primary focus is on patient autonomy and the requirements for true authorization. Under this definition, informed consent is given if “A patient with (1) substantial understanding and (2) substantial absence of control by others (3) intentionally (4) authorizes a profession to do intervention”. Overall, Sense1 concentrates on autonomous authorization and patients’ rights. 

Conversely, Sense2 focuses on the legal aspects of informed consent. Sense2 is a policy-oriented lens that doesn’t take into consideration the patient’s right to autonomy. While Sense1 had specific steps to determine if autonomous authorization has given informed consent, under Sense2, any consent is informed consent. Autonomous authorization does not exist, merely authorization that has been well documented through procedures that satisfy the rules in institutional practice. 

While Sense1 and Sense2 may seem mutually exclusive, they can be implemented simultaneously. For example, a patient may give autonomous authorization while also documenting said authorization in the form of a consent agreement, thereby reflecting both definitions of informed consent. However, just because both definitions of informed consent can be reached, it doesn’t mean they always are in practice. Faden and Beauchamp present and example wherein a minor gives the autonomous authorization to donate one of her kidneys to her dying twin sister. While the sister’s life is saved, because she is a minor, her parents decide to sue the healthcare team because they violated her Sense2 informed consent. This highlights that Sense1 and Sense2 are not only individually important but ought to be obtained when the situation grants it. 

Ultimately, Faden and Beauchamp conclude that only Sense1 truly captures the traditional meaning of “Informed consent”, which I agree with. I would argue that, for most people, informed consent is given when a doctor explains the procedure to you and you decided to proceed. This is encapsulated in the Sense1 definition of informed consent and isn’t covered in the Sense2 definition. To me, Sense2 is more of a legal definition, and while important, doesn’t necessarily apply when strictly discussing bioethics and patients’ right to autonomy. Consequently, if I had to rank the value or importance of these definitions, I would say Sense1 should be prioritized over Sense2. ( Though, as illustrated by the kidney example, both ought to be obtained).