I’m reading a very interesting/shocking book called Unnatural Selection: Choosing Boys Over Girls, and the Consequences of a World Full of Men, written by Mara Hvistendahl. Just as the title says, the book focuses on how sex selection abortions came to be, and the effect they have on populations and the societies that are affected by an overabundance of boys. A team of French demographers place gender imbalance on par with the HIV/AIDS epidemic. In 2008 it was estimated that AIDS had claimed 25 million lives in the history of its epidemic. This is a fraction of the estimated 100-160 million girls that have been lost to sex selective abortion practices. As the first generation touched by sex ratios imbalance grows up, the silent biological discrimination that is sex selection has been exacerbated by visible threats to women, including sex trafficking, bride buying, and forced marriages. This only exacerbates the problem, and only further impedes progress in reproductive health for women.
From the 1950’s through the 1970’s UNFPA, The Rockefeller Foundation, The Ford Foundation, and The World Bank sent $1.5 billion in aid to India to support implementation of “any necessary population control measures: including abortion, sterilization, and birth control. Quite interestingly, many of the main players pushing for the implementation of these programs in India, China, and a few other Asian countries were fighting extension of the same rights in the US. The argument was that over population in these areas was impeding development. Chinese officials felt that boosting per capita GDP was a long and difficult process that would take many years to accomplish. With the support of these aforementioned western organizations, China implemented the one-child policy in 1980. Cutting the birth rate and reducing the number of people who would share in the wealth (or lack there of) in the nation seemed a quick and attainable way to push development. Economic development, along with the urbanization, education, and new job opportunities has been shown to lead to lower birth rates in families. But because development is accompanied by plummeting birth rates, it raises the stakes for each birth, increasing the chances parents will abort a female fetus, creating an alarming triangle of development, falling fertility, and sex selection.
In 1982, two years after the one child policy was enacted in China, ultrasounds were widely distributed. Though sex determination was technically illegal in China, there was little incentive to crack down on it, so a small bribe could go a long way. The fine for sex selection was also ten times less than the fine for having a second child. This drove many parents to choose to “beat the odds” and ensure that they had a son on the first try. I thought this was a striking example of the different effect that certain technologies can have in culturally distinct environments. In the political and cultural climate of China and India at the time, ultrasound technologies served as an inexpensive gateway for working the system and helping families to ensure that they had a boy, at the expense of unborn girls.
Reading this book has made me stop and think about how the implementation of certain technologies often has dangerous and unintended results. I don’t think technology should be withheld, but the implementation has to be careful and sensitive to the political and social climates they are being introduced to. So what can be done? How do you check that what is supposed to be a helpful technology is not promoting gender inequality and obstructing maternal health? As sex selection cannot happen without abortion, this issue obviously opens up conversation on access to abortions and what should be done in that respect.