Précis of Divine Horsemen: The Living Gods of Haiti
Lahronda Little
Divine Horsemen is an unintended ethnographic study of the religion of Voudoun and its practitioners in Haiti. Although Maya Deren’s original intention was to create a film on Haitian dance, the project evolved into a phenomenological study of Voudoun mythology as a communal experience that informs all aspects of life. As an artist, Deren’s approach to the culture did not include anthropological techniques or methodology, per se. But rather, without “professional or intellectual urgency,” Deren wanted to “permit the culture and the myth to emerge gradually in its own terms and its own form.” (Deren, 7) Moreover, Deren makes clear that the purpose of the book is to “delineate the metaphysical principles…in such a way that they may become, for the non-Haitian reader, as real and reasonable as they are to Haitian worshipper.” (Deren, 20) In this way, the personal narratives of the people who practice Voudoun and the collective experiences of the community were privileged as the main source of material for the book. Even in the detailed account of her own encounter with possession, Deren refrains from imposing value or deep interpretation. Instead she chooses to go inward to describe her initial feelings of vulnerability and embarrassment.
Interestingly, Deren does not spend a great deal of time on possession, which is described as “being mounted.” Yet, the esoteric language she employs in her opening chapter and in the last chapter causes one to question whether she was under the influence of a loa or exercising artistic license.
Voudoun, according to Deren is “structured for the controlled development of a man’s gros-bon-ange (soul) and the enforcement of a collective, morality in action.” (Deren, 27) Therefore, “religion” for the Haitian is more of a way of life and must make practical sense given Voudoun’s West African origins; the inclusion of some elements of Catholicism in order to assimilate; and the socio-economic-political constraints of the practitioner.(1) As such, Deren weaves throughout her project the significance of deep ancestral connections and reverence to the loa. It is necessary then to discuss the nature of Voudoun which understands man as a part of nature; this is a universal concept with cosmological implications. The African ancestors of the Haitians distinguished between “the principle of the thing and the thing itself and remarked that the material objects or phenomena are transitory or destructible and singular, whereas the principles themselves are persistent and pervasive.” (Deren, 88) That is to say that the objects and symbols of Voudoun though essential are not ascribed divinity; it is the principle associated with the object that is the essence of the religion.
The system of Voudoun is carefully depicted to include the loa and their attributes, the geographical origins of loa, and the principles through which they operate. Voudoun practitioners, or serviteurs, understand the loa and other phenomena to be logical and intelligible. The interconnectedness of humanity, nature, and the cosmos demands order in religious practice and in the ways through which the community interacts with one another. Subsequently, Deren takes the time to name the distinctions between religion and magic. All participants of Voudoun act on behalf of the community, and there is an expectation that persons grow and mature in their engagement with the community and the rituals. Contrastly, “magic is an individual action, undertaken because the cosmos is not believed to be benevolent…” (Deren, 76) Those who perform magic do not see themselves as a part of a community. To emphasize her point about Voudoun as a communal experience among communal people, Deren describes her association with Coyote and La Merci who wanted to have a wedding ceremony but could not afford it. The couple refused Deren’s offer to fund their effort due to fear of the community’s perception of them as somehow becoming affluent. The expectation is that they would have the means to support others in the village.(2) Coyote and La Merci illustrate concern for self and others in a way that could easily be interpreted as foolish in other contexts. However, Deren’s association with the Haitian people as ‘learner’ leaves space to tease out the the root of their concerns and also provide help in alternative ways.
Distinctly featured in Voudoun culture is the way in which persons are given care and how Haitians perceive medical doctors. Illnesses are initially treated homeopathically with herbs and other natural substances, since most Haitians have knowledge of certain remedies for common conditions. The houngan (priest), because of his close proximity and intimate relation to the people of his community, provides particular care that intersects religion, health (physical and mental), and discipline. Psychosomatic symptoms are understood as a positive expression that allows the patient to participate in his or her own healing. The houngan engages the loa to determine if there is some breech in the patient’s relationship with the divine; prescribes a ritual to make amends; and makes recommendations that include a medical doctor (when warranted). The houngan, as mediator, takes seriously how the body functions, medical technology, and the loa, and is therefore, not interested in creating boundaries that may potentially be harmful to the individual or the community.
Drumming, dance, and possession by the loa are extraordinary expressions of Voudoun culture. Careful attention is given to depict the sacredness of drumming and the principles conveyed, rather than the person or even the drum itself, “…the sacred form is independent of subject matter, symbolic knowledge, and even degree of skill.” (Deren, p. 227) It is only after the drum is baptized that it is recognized as being sacred. Furthermore, drumming and dancing are acts that serve the loa, not the person through whom the actions are expressed.
Dance as a meditative practice is “principle in action” according to Deren. (p. 240) In her interpretation of dance, Deren posits that the purpose of the dance is to affect the dancer. Through the drums and movement, worship and prayer are expressed which “create a psychic state.” (Deren, p.241)
Deren’s willingness to suspend her initial plans to study Haitian dance lends to what I believe to be a comprehensive account of the people of Haiti who practice Voudoun. Deren’s own social location did not interfere with her ability to establish trust and friendship among the people. The personal nature of the stories she shared cause me to question if she received permission to share those narratives with the public. Also, how did the book and the documentary affect the community? Initially, I was surprised that Deren does not spend a lot of time on dance and possession given her primary interest in the arts. But her inclination to ask questions and lend herself to the experience of Voudoun provided for a much richer body of work that illumined Voudoun as a culture and community, rather than simply a religion.
(1) Deren sites on page 203 that in the initial salutation of two trinities are acknowledged, the Christian Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, and the Voudoun Mystéres, Morts, and Marassa.
(2) Coyote and La Merci’s story also includes an example of psychosomatic symptoms how they are diagnosed, p. 167.
Thank you Lahronda,
You clearly point out to the aim of the book and you state that “Deren refrains from imposing value or deep interpretation.” I agree with you and I also felt that because Deren didn’t cast any interpretation on the religion of Voudoun, I was able, as a reader, to suspend any judgement on the practices and instead try and understand the religious experiences. Furthermore, you point to her last chapter and ask “whether she was under the influence of a loa or exercising artistic license?” I had the same reaction as I read the final chapter. If she was in fact under the influence of loa, how does her experience as an outsider differ from a Haitian under the influence? And if she was not under the influence but merely “exercising artistic license”, what ethical problems does her account of the possession pose and how does it change our understanding of the practices of Voudoun?
Ethics! I was sharing Divine Horsemen and some of my thoughts with someone else, and they suggested the book entitled Ethnography as a Pastoral Practice by Mary Clark Moschella. This author spends a lot of time on the ethics of ethnography. But you mention something that I have not yet considered, how does her experience differ from a Haitian under the influence? Did the loa interact with her differently? Or “speak” to her specifically about her own context? Also, how does her interpretation affect subsequent research?
Lahronda, I enjoyed reading your précis on Divine Horsemen. You commented on the last chapter of the book that she might have been under the influence of a loa. What if she did? What would be the consequences (strengths & limitations) of one’s research to have a religious experience of the group she/he is observing?
Two questions for you and/or the class deals with the pragmatism of the loa. First she writes, “In Haiti the idea, the principle, must live, must function, for the conditions of Haitian life are indeed difficult to endure . . . The man of such a culture must be, necessarily, a pragmatist” (73). Later she writes, “to worship the loa is to celebrate the principle not the matter in which it may be momentarily or permanently manifest (p. 89). How do these two statements coincide? Does each service particularly call out a “pragmatic” loa, or does the community hold a service and then wait to see which loa mounts a person? Second, based upon the readings of Rudof Otto’s The Idea of the Holy, why did Protestantism, according to Deren (p.54, 57, 79), have such a profound negative impact on the Voudoun whereas Catholicism was integrated into their religion and rituals?
Finally, I appreciated your final paragraph. You raise some very good questions about holding the Haitian people and their tradition of Voudoun as sacred. Did she get permission? How would this research impact this people and their community?
Greg, you offer thought provoking questions. To your first question, I think that Deren sharing her experience lends to the idea of transparency and solidarity with the people. Consequentially, this could mean that what the practitioners share with her is in turn honest. The limitation is, as was my experience, I could not readily comprehend her statements.
I don’t know that Deren is calling the loa “pragmatic” per se, because being mounted is not necessarily a practical occurrence. I think she means that whatever is revealed through the loa has practical application in the lives of the practitioners. Maybe? This is such a fascinating issue that we should discuss further in class as well. How practical is religious experience? Or should religious experience be considered practical at all? I’m thinking about the westernized religious concept of “name it and claim it” theology. Is this a practical expectation?
On the finally questions in my last paragraph, I have thought more about those questions and will begin our discussion with some of those thoughts. Thanks for your comments!
Thank you for your precis Lahronda, your comments are thorough and helpful. In reading Deren’s work, I also noted that her intention was to persuade a western audience that the Haitian worldview is as “real and rational” as their own (p. 20). Given this purpose, it stood out to me that she does not interpret her own experience of the religion for her reader, but rather leaves the reader with a striking narrative account of that experience. We’ve talked in class about the narrative form of ethnography and its rhetorical power, of which I think this is a potent example. And perhaps highlights Otto’s appeal to his reader’s experience in “The Idea of the Holy” (p. 8). Otto urges his readers to reflect on their own experience and even goes so far as to suggest that those who have no such religious experience should stop reading, for they will be left unpersuaded by his argument (p. 8). Both Otto and Deren appeal to experience, Deren through an evocative description of her own experience and Otto calling to mind that of the reader. Does this suggest that both writers, while attempting a descriptive task, ultimately believe there is something in religious experience that cannot be named or accounted for?
The quote from Otto is one that struck me as well, Chelsea. In fact, I found it to be rather limiting, because sometimes one is not able to call particular experiences as religiously significant. Herein lies the challenge of categorizing – who is to say, name, or define what “religious experience” is for the one who has the experience. Yes, I think that both deeply appeal to experience and narrative AND the thing that cannot be named. Thank you for your comments!
Lahronda, thank you for an excellent precis! It is helping me organize my thoughts as I try to adjust to the jet lag and time change.
Based on our last seminar, I think it’s good to first take seriously what the objective of the book is. And you actually pulled the same quote I did in order to answer this question. But I’m going to quote the sentence in full:
“But the purpose of this book is not to assemble and present available data on Voudoun practices; it is to delineate the metaphysical principles underlying those practices and to render them in terms of this cultural context in such a way that they may become, for the non-Haitian reader, as real and as reasonable as they are to the Haitian worshipper” (20).
The reason I want to quote it in full is because I think I interpret this statement of purpose slightly different than you do in your precis. Not in disagreement really, but I think I see a different emphasis in how experiences are used. If I were to highlight the phrase that strikes me most, it would be “metaphysical principles underlying those practices.”
This line suggests that the reality of worship is constituted by a set of structural symbolic logics. The practices are carriers of those logics, and Deren does a beautiful job of invoking the reality of that embodied experience. But the body and its practices are, in some sense, a shell in that game. The logics are fundamental.
I’m not meaning to suggest a methodological critique yet. I’m making the distinction only because I think it gives a bit of specificity to what her project is. I think you’re absolutely right that Deren allows “the personal narratives of the people who practice Voudoun and the collective experiences of the community” to be “privileged as the main source of material for the book.” But I think Deren’s approach involves treating those experiences as fundamentally reducible–ultimately, the practices dissolve down one layer into a series of abstract logics.
There is value in this kind of structuralist-functionalist project, and it is totally in line with the time at which Deren is writing. But Deren also includes the following statement of her journey in research, which I think supplements her purpose:
“I had begun as an artist, as one who would manipulate the elements of a reality into a work of art in the image of my creative integrity; I end by recording, as humbly and accurately as I can, the logics of a reality which had forced me to recognize its integrity, and to abandon my manipulations” (6).
I think it is valid to try and assess her methodology in terms of whether she actually “abandons her manipulations,” and allows the experiences to speak, or orders them toward a schema that is imposed on them. Can a scholar both make statements as sweeping as ““Myth is the twilight speech of an old man to a boy” (21) and still be viewed as operating with experience, and not above it as its puppeteer?
Thank you for your comments, Jackson! There is quite a bit of nuance in her language and interpretation which I would like to discuss further in class. Your question at the end is a great one, and I do not think you mean to call Deren a scholar. If that is the case, then no, a scholar would not make such a statement. Also, I think that to some degree of inexperience provides an innocence, if you will, that yields itself to more transparency.
Thank you, Lahronda, for bringing up so many different points and topics within the book. I think you touched on many of the issue that I also found interesting. When using the category of religious experience to frame this work, a few questions come up for me. Her explicit intent to “delineate the metaphysical principles” leaves me wondering how that might conflict with a purely narrative or experience-based approach to the study. Don brought up the point in class last week that the academics urge to ask for deeper meaning and explanations might not always be how the people themselves would frame their experience. The practitioners of Voudoun certainly are conscious of the cosmic world of the loa that they are involved with but there is also a more practical side of it that I think her lengthy discussion of the different loas does not necessarily speak to. I thought her personal account at the end of the book was the most powerful imagery for me to understand the Voudoun ceremonies. You make a good point that specifically in that section she really suspends analysis and lets the experience speak for itself. I wonder if more individual stories like that would have helped make Voudoun more “real and reasonable” to the reader.
Chava, you raise an interesting point about the experiences of others and the reasonability of Voudoun. On the one hand I feel a certain discomfort with the sharing of such an intimate experience. (Admittedly, I’m imposing my own feelings about this.) However, on the other hand, I tend agree with you. I believe that Deren’s account would certainly have more credence with the experiences of others – with their permission and assuming that you has developed the relationships such that there is authentic trust.
Lahronda, do you think Deren’s approach was a good one? While it is a good thing to let one come to their own terms about the religious practice, I think there is also a need for some direct engagement.
Thank you Lahronda for your precis on Divine Horseman. As you described, Deren clarifies that she aims “to delineate the metaphysical principles underlying those practices and to render them in terms of their cultural context in such a way that they may become, for the non-Haitian reader, as real and as reasonable as they are to the Haitian worshipper.”(20) In order to do so, she uses the communal experience and narrative of the Haitians as the main source for her work. She does a great job in introducing the origins, ideas, concepts, and religious practices of Voudoun. This work was possible due to her observation, interview, and engagement with its people in Haiti but, as an outsider, she cannot introduce everything from their view point. What would be the limitation? (or What needs to be considered?)