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Censorship of Media in Africa

Censorship of Media in Africa

Censorship is, according to Merriam-Webster, the suppressing of books, plays, news reports, radio and television programs, motion pictures, letters, etc. that are deemed objectionable on moral, political, military, or other grounds.

When Do Governments Suppress the Media?

There are five different types of suppression governments undertake. (Fischer and Matilde 38)

  • Military censorship: involves “acts of sedition […] but also control of public information on airways.” Primarily used to suppress confidential military intelligence and strategies. (Fischer and Matilde 38)
  • Political censorship: involves blocking “criticism of regimes in power.” Can also mean the suppression of information from reaching a regime’s citizens as well. (Fischer and Matilde 38)
  • Moral censorship: involves “appealing to public decency.” The suppression of morally questionable or obscene forms of media or art. (Fischer and Matilde 38)
  • Religious censorship: prevents “certain groups from worshipping in their own way.” Could also be the suppression of ideas not concurrent to the dominant religious belief. (Fischer and Matilde 38)
  • Corporate censorship: “uses economic power to protect its interests.” The suppression of information that could prove to be economically detrimental to a company. (Fischer and Matilde 38)

What Counts as Media Suppression?

Any form of censorship of any work or speech is considered media suppression. Censorship can be done by anyone, including governments, private organizations, or even by the creator of the work or speech themselves.

If the creator of the work or speech censors their own work, it is called self-censorship. Self-censorship is typically done when the creator of the work or speech fears the potential punishment or backlash associated with their original piece of work. In Africa, self-censorship seems to be the most common form of restraint. (Zeigler 106) For instance, in South Africa, out of the top 24 newspapers, the only ones that remain in business are the ones who censor themselves sufficiently. (Zeigler 106) This is the sad truth that is pervasive across African countries.

What Kind of Violence is it to Suppress Media?

Violence, according to Merriam-Webster, is “the intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person, or against a group or community, which either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, maldevelopment, or deprivation.”

While no physical harm is done directly by the suppression of media, the practice certainly falls under the “use of power against oneself, another person, or a group or community which results in deprivation,” aspect of the definition. The deprivation of information is dangerous to a society – without the press, there is no proper check for those with power. Thus, often the systematic suppression of media is done by those in power to keep the normal citizen disadvantaged and keep the rich and powerful – rich and powerful.

Why is Media Important, Specifically in Africa?

The mass media has two main roles in Africa: to speak freely and fearlessly about concrete conditions in their own and other states, and at the same time to be an instrument for informing and mobilizing the people about their rights and obligations. (Martin 334) But, and also as equally important, the African media has a responsibility to the outside world, because typically international news coverage of Africa, with a few noteworthy exceptions, “continue to be little short of abysmal.” (Martin 334).

As the Ghanian UN Secretary General Kofi Annan said when discussing African media during his term, “if information and knowledge and central to democracy, they are conditions for development,” (Olorunnisola 68) and as recognized in the African Charter for Popular Participation in Development, a written charter adopted at the 25th session of the Economic Commission of Africa, which consists of all 54 member states in the continent of Africa, “the national and regional media should make every effort to fight for and defend their freedom at all cost, and generally provide access for the dissemination of information and education programmes on popular participation,” (African Charter for Popular Participation in Development 28) it is evident that there is a stressed importance by the morally sound leaders of Africa to ensure free and open forms of media in order to maintain a fair democracy and represent Africa in a true light. In a continent filled with dictators wishing to suppress fair democracies, the media’s importance must be accentuated.

Debate About Censorship, When is Censorship Applicable?

The question of when censorship is applicable is often up to the discretion of the lawmakers of a country. Societally immoral or unpleasant things are censored on a daily basis, but should a controversial song be censored as immoral or unpleasant?

This is exactly the problem South Africa faced in 2002.

Controversial, but acclaimed, songwriter and playwright Mbongeni Ngema, who has very strong Zulu and African nationalist views, created a song called “AmaNyida.” (Cloonan and Drewitt, 55) He begins the song with a voice-over, spoken in English: “This song represents the way many African people feel about the behavior of Indians in this country. It is intended to begin a constructive discussion that will lead to reconciliation between Indians and Africans.” (Cloonan and Drewitt, 55)

The song goes on to bluntly summarize the grievances many Zulus consider as marginalization and exploitation at the hands of Indian merchants and landlords in the KwaZulu-Natal region, a region in South Africa known for its intolerance. He criticizes Indians as a whole for the following: only voting for white political leaders, refusing to build schools for black children, dispossessing black South Africans, and restricting black South Africans from opening up businesses.

Black South Africans perceived themselves as excluded from jobs in local government because most positions in the Metropolitan Council were filled with Indians. (Cloonan and Drewett, 56) This only perpetuated the perception that all Indians were wealthy and benefited more than Africans from the end of apartheid. While some points Ngema made may have been fair concerns to pose, what really made “AmaNdiya” both audacious and politically incorrect was that he voiced these sentiments openly in spite of the government’s efforts to promote the project of reconciliation and nation building. (Cloonan and Drewett, 56)

A chorus of voices demanded an apology from Ngema for questioning the character of the South African Indian community. (Cloonan and Drewett, 56) If Ngema initially responded to his critics by justifying his song, he was soon pressured away from that idea. (Cloonan and Drewett, 56) Former President Nelson Mandela shamed him, and a pledge to create a debate with the interested parties surrounding the problems and barriers that obstruct the process of reconciliation and nation building was made. (Cloonan and Drewett, 57) A symposium facilitated by the Institute for Democracy in South Africa (IDASA) was held in Durban from June 26-27, 2002. (Cloonan and Drewett, 57) Leaders from both the Indian and black South African communities across all political spectrums gave serious consideration to the song’s claims and to what could be done to defuse the tensions between the two communities. (Cloonan and Drewett, 57) The deliberations on the topic lasted two days, and with much constructive dialogue and frank discussion, Indian and Zulu leaders planned for more open discourse sessions in order to foster reconciliation and open more extensive debates on identity politics in the country. (Cloonan and Drewett, 57)

In light of the leaders’, and the national, debate at hand, the Broadcasting Complaints Commission of South Africa (BCCSA) was then used to determine the legal future of the song. Though section 16(1) of the South African Constitution guaranteed the freedom of artistic creativity, the BCCSA ruled that the song constituted racial hate speech with incitement to harm. (Cloonan and Drewett, 58) Though the debates between Indian and Zulu leaders on identity continued over the following months and years, the BCCSA promptly banned any future airplay of the song after their findings.

This is a photo of delegates at the 2015 Third India-Africa Summit. As a result of the debates above about Mbongeni Ngema's offensive song, AmaNydia, debate between the Indians and black South Africans were stimulated. This continued discourse helped aide in the planning of the First Africa-India Summit in 2008.| Photo Courtesy of India Times
This is a photo of the leaders of 14 African Union countries and India at the 2015 Third India-Africa Forum Summit. As a result of the debates about Mbongeni Ngema’s offensive song, AmaNydia, dialogue between Indians in South Africa and black South Africans were stimulated. This continued discourse helped aid in the planning of the First Africa-India Summit in 2008.| Photo Courtesy of India Times

African Fight Against Media Suppression

The Windhoek Declaration, released in 1991 by newspaper journalists from throughout the African continent, is one of the most important documents in the struggle for the freedom of the press throughout Africa. The document was presented at a UNESCO seminar in Windhoek, Namibia in 1991, and was later endorsed by the UNESCO General Conference.

Declarations of the document include: “1. Consistent with article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the establishment, maintenance and fostering of an independent, pluralistic and free press is essential to the development and maintenance of democracy in a nation, and for economic development. […]

“7. Today, at least 17 journalists, editors or publishers are in African prisons, and 48 African journalists were killed in the exercise of their profession between 1969 and 1990.

“8. The General Assembly of the United Nations should include in the agenda of its next session an item on the declaration of censorship as a grave violation of human rights falling within the purview of the Commission on Human Rights. […]

“14. As a sign of good faith, African Governments that have jailed journalists for their professional activities should free them immediately. Journalists who have had to leave their countries should be free to return to resume their professional activities.” (Windheok Declaration)

In this ad campaign, the United Nations | Photo Courtesy of the United Nations
In this ad campaign, the United Nations champions for freedom of the press in light of World Press Freedom Day. World Press Freedom Day, celebrated worldwide and instituted by the United Nations General Assembly, is celebrated on May 3rd to commemorate the signing day of the Windhoek Declaration.  | Photo Courtesy of UNESCO

Specific instances of the fight against media suppression in African countries


From 1993-99, the media of Nigeria deployed a guerilla warfare strategy to topple state censorship and the dictator who ruled for it. This involved a hit-and-run style, where journalists working from hideout spots continued to publish opposition and critical journals in direct defiance of the state. (Olukotun 317)

In the face of detentions, manhunts, assassination attempts, arson attacks on newspaper houses and the disappearance of opposition figures, two weekly journals and a pirate radio station – Tell magazine, The News and Radio Kudirat – demonstrated steady resolve in challenging the state and exposing the vulgarity and corruption of the military custodians of state power. (Olukotun 318) Through the three media outlet’s consistent efforts to reveal the truth, they were able to check the powers of their repressive government.


Even during British rule and in the time before it, press freedom was prevalent in Ghana. Only one law during colonial rule, the Criminal Code Ordinance, may have put the freedom of the press at stake, but ultimately it did not change the media landscape of Ghana. (Twumasi 16) No new restrictions were placed on the mass media for the rest of colonial rule.

This continued until the new ruler after independence, Kwame Nkrumah, took measures to nationalize the mass media. By the time of his overthrow in 1966, Nkrumah had eliminated all private news outlets – all media outlets were government owned and operated. (Twumasi 18)

Then, as Kofi Abrefa Busia and the NLC in 1969, the move towards the previous, free system of media was put into place. Busia was dedicated to liberalism as a political thought, but there was also political capital to be gained by his decision – his political base was mostly middle-class professionals. (Twusami 19)


To understand the issue of freedom of the press in Somaliland, one must understand its history with Somalia. Somaliland is currently recognized worldwide as an autonomous region of Somalia, but was once its own colonial region before merging with Somalia for their mutual independences in 1961. (Hohne 94)

After a coup d’état in 1969, Major General Mohamed Siad Barre rose to power, and ruled for 21 years. His rule, however, eroded morally over time. (Hohne 95) Barre started to commit major human rights violations and abused his power heavily in his quest to stay President, but was unable to completely eliminate freedom of speech. (Hohne 107)

After his dictatorial reign was toppled, privately owned print media was established immediately all over Somalia and flourished – first as “wild flowers,” then in a more cultivated manner. (Hohne 107) Particularly in Somaliland, which seceded from the rest of Somalia in 1991, the press had developed a governmentally-critical role that was healthy for both the citizens and the government. (Hohne 108) The press, more specifically newspapers, have aided in the democratization of both Somaliland and Somalia as a result. (Hohne 91)

Recent events concerning the newspaper scene, such as the passage of a press law in early 2004 and the subsequent attempts of the government to repress all overly free journalism, can be interpreted as part of the struggle to find the balance between freedom of the press and restriction of the press that is the basis of liberal democracy. (Hohne 108)

Present Day

Ironically enough, as mentioned above, the suppression of media did not become a pervading issue until countries began to gain independence. During colonial rule, while media was suppressed in certain instances, mass media was not entirely nationalized like in Ghana or Nigeria.

Like most complex sociopolitical issues, it takes years and years to properly, and systematically, change issues that involve almost every facet of society. Mass media is consumed by all in a society, except for a small, minuscule amount of people. Achieving full and sustainable democratic potential in Africa depends upon widening and deepening the institutions of voice and accountability, which still generally remain weak and deeply flawed. (Fombad 650) As indicated by the growing democratization of the continent, and documents like the Windhoek Declaration and the African Charter for Popular Participation in Development, it is evident that freedom of the press is continually increasing throughout the continent. That trend seems destined to continue to rise, and let’s hope that it does. As globalization takes hold of the world and communication becomes more and more readily accessible in Africa, it will get harder and harder for the dictatorial regimes of Africa to efficiently suppress information from their subjects.







































Works Cited

Cloonan, Martin, and Michael Drewett. Popular Music Censorship in Africa. Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, 2013. Accessed May 1

Fischer, Beatrice, and Matilde N. Jensen. Title Translation and the Reconfiguration of Power Relations: Revisiting Role and Context of Translation and Interpreting. Münster: LIT Verlag Münster, 2012. Accessed April 30

Fombad, C.M. (2002). The Protection of Freedom of Expression in the Public Service Media in Southern Africa: A Botswana Perspective. Modern Law Review, 65(5), 649-675.(“Woodruff”) Accessed April 28

Hohne, Markus. (2008). Newspapers in Hargeysa: Freedom of Speech in Post-Conflict Somaliland. Africa Spectrum, 43(1), 91-113. Hamburg: Institute of African Affairs at GIGA. Accessed May 1

Martin, R. (1992). Building Independent Mass Media in Africa. The Journal of Modern African Studies J. Mod. Afr. Stud., 30(02), 331-356. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. (“Woodruff”) Accessed April 28

Olorunnisola, Anthony A. New Media Influence on Social and Political Change in Africa. Hershey: IGI Global, 2013. Accessed April 30

Olukotun, A. (2002). Authoritarian State, Crisis of Democratization and the Underground Media in Nigeria. African Affairs, 101(404), 317-342. London: Oxford University Press.(“Woodruff”) Accessed April 27

Twumasi, Yaw. (1981). Media of Mass Communication and the Third Republican Constitution of Ghana. African Affairs, 80(318), 16-41. London: Oxford University Press.(“Woodruff”) Accessed April 28

United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. African Charter for Popular Participation in Development. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia: United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, 1990. Accessed May 1

United Nations Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations. The Windhoek Declaration: Promoting an Independent and Pluralistic African Press. Windhoek, Namibia: United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations, 1991. Accessed 30 April 2016

The Radical Islam of Boko Haram

Islam In Africa

Islam is one of the oldest and most widely disseminated theologies in the world, and currently is the second most practiced religion after Christianity (Esposito 3). The origins of Islam may be traced to the Middle East, however, the religion’s theology and core tenants quickly spread to the region of Africa. In the book History of Islam in Africa, author Nehemia Levtzion describes the spread of the Islamic faith stating, “Islam reached Africa through two gateways, from the east and the north…From Egypt, Islamic influence extended in three directions, through the Red Seas to the eastern coastal area, up the Nile valley to the Sudan, and across the western desert to the Maghrib” (Levtzion and Pouwels 1). It is widely agreed that Islam first arrived in Africa during the 7th century, a period characterized by the rise of highly advanced civilizations and /or kingdoms. The expansion of Islam to the North and Northwestern African countryside further widened the “popular basis” for religious education (Levtzion and Pouwels 12). Additionally Islam served as an educational catalyst that enabled previously illiterate peasants and herdsmen to gain knowledge of Arabic, and a history of Islamic theology (Levtzion and Pouwels 12). From ancient times through colonial rule and into the 21st century, Islam has served as a vital cornerstone of the cultural and historical fabric of African societies.

Jihad and the Radicalization of Islam

Throughout its history Islam has preached the tenants of peace, compassion, and social unity. In recent years, however, Islam has been subjected to radicalization. From Nigeria’s Boko Haram, to the transnational terrorist organizations of Al-Qaeda and ISIS, the theology of Islam has been severely distorted. The genesis of Islamic radicalization is complicated, however, many scholars agree that Islamic radicalization occurred as a product of The Cold War. In 1979 the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan and remained in the country as an occupying force until 1989. This proved to be a critical turning point in the globalization and augmentation of Islamic extremism (Esposito 135). Through media coverage and mass communication, the Islamic freedom fighter group known as the Taliban disseminated their distorted doctrine of Jihad. Furthermore, Islamic groups caught between the proxy war of the United States and USSR, felt a growing solidarity with the Taliban (Esposito 135). This solidarity or belief in a holy or just struggle created a global jihadist ideology, an ideology that separated the evil and un-Islamic West from the oppressed and righteous radical movement. In the Quran Jihad is a verb derived from the Arabic word Jahada, meaning to struggle or to strive (Cook 1). It is the interpretation of Jihad, which ultimately separates radical Islamists from the majority of peace- loving Muslim. The struggle or fight of jihad is most widely recognized as the destruction of earth’s evils, the corruption, violence, and pain that plagues society, in essence, “the struggle against one’s desires and selfishness”(Cook 1). In the modern era, radical Islamist groups utilize the theory of Jihad as a justification for violence, murder and martyrdom. Moreover, radical Islam calls for the spread of Islamic rule and the establishment of Sharia Law. Political Scientist Robert W. Hefner describes the rise of Sharia Law stating, “ The Islamic resurgences also gave rise to a more politically ambiguous development: calls for the state to apply a uniform and codified version of Shari’a or Islamic Law”(Hefner 1). Shari’a Law is categorized by five offenses; unlawful sexual intercourse (sex outside of marriage and adultery), false accusation of unlawful sexual intercourse, wine drinking (applies to all alcohol), theft, and robbery (Johnson and Sergie 2). Breaking this set of laws, constitute a variety of punishments varying in severity. Punishments may include, flogging, public humiliation, exile, extraction of limbs, stoning, etc. (Johnson and Sergie 2).

Introduction to Boko Haram

Following the Cold War and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, radical Islam has spread at an alarming rate. Groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas have terrorized the West Bank, while ISIS and Al-Qaeda have struck globally. It is, however, in Africa that radicalization has surged, prompting the formation of violent insurrectionist groups. Most notable and influential of Africa’s Islamic groups is Nigeria’s Boko Haram. Scholar Kyari Mohammed details the genesis of the group stating,

“Boko Haram emerged from a tiny group of Islamist militants who openly challenged the Nigerian state between December 2003 and October 2004 without success…Following a severe military crackdown and changing sub-regional exile dynamics in the Sahel, Boko Haram increasingly adopted the tactics of Salafi Jihadist groups, including assassinations, suicide Bombings, and Hostage taking”(Mohammed 9).

The history and subsequent rise of Boko Haram may be distinguished into three separate, yet overlapping phases. The first stage is known as the Kanama phase (2003-2005), a period characterized by the war waged between a rogue militant group led by Jihadist Muhammad Ali (Not the famous boxer) against the Nigerian government. The second phase of Boko Haram’s rise began with the destruction of Ali’s rebellion and suppression of Islamic groups. Finally, the third stage began in 2009 and continues today, characterized by terrorist activity and killings incited by a resurgent and highly organized Boko Haram (Mohammed 10).

Map Illustrating Boko Haram conflict sites
Map Illustrating Boko Haram conflict sites:This map depicts incidences in which Boko Haram has engaged in terrorist activity. The red dots serve as markers illustrating battle size and concentration.


The Historical Background of Boko Haram

During the nineteenth century Nigeria was colonized and subsequently ruled by the British Empire. Due to indirect rule, Nigeria became ethnically and religiously separated. The northern region of Nigeria became predominantly Muslim while the southern region embraced Christianity (Mohammed 11). Attempting to “civilize” the North, Britain employed Christian missionaries to spread education and western culture. However Nigerian’s came to fear and distain Boko or western education (Mohammad 11). Ultimately, a highly educated elite formed within Nigeria, a social class characterized by their evangelized and western tenants. In the years that followed, British colonial rule transferred political power and legitimacy to westernized Nigerians, an action that subsequently established a minority government (Mohammad 12). As time passed, Nigeria’s Muslim majority increasingly resented the government; an institution believed to exploit traditional Nigerian values (Islamic values) and betray the Nigerian people. It was this slow burning antagonism that finally came to an explosive head in the early months of 2003. During this period groups of militant Islamic “freedom fighters” coalesced and organized into what is today known as Boko Haram.

The Motivation of Boko Haram: A Scholarly Debate

In the Essay Boko Haram and its Muslim critics: Observations from Yobe State, scholar Johannes Harnischfeger states, “Young militants in Maiduguri or Kano have good reasons to hate the representatives of the state. Their rebellion is born out of poverty, illiteracy, and unemployment; it is a response to corruption and social neglect”(Harnischfeger 35). Harnischfeger argues that the motivation of Boko Haram, as well as the attraction for joining such a group, is the opportunity to cleanse a corrupt political institution (Harnischfeger 36). Harnischfeger by no means condones the actions of Boko Haram, rather asserts that Boko Haram utilizes Islam to combat the century old issues of political corruption and social immobility. Yet despite Nigeria’s political corruption and social stratification, Boko Haram leaders insist that their insurgency stems from purely religious motives. As one unnamed Boko Haram leader stated, “This is a war between Muslims and non-Muslims… this is not a tribal war, nor is it a war for financial gains, it is solely a religious war (Harnischfeger 35). Scholar Daniel Ikechukwu Ikerionwu offers a contrary argument to Harnischfeger. Ikerionwu asserts that the motivation and ultimate creation of Boko Haram is not a response to the condition of the Nigerian state, but rather a product of radical Jihad and anti-western sentiment. Ikerionwu asserts, “The global Islamic resurgence, characteristic of the post-Cold-War period is one of the causal factors associated with Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria. Of all world civilizations, the most contending forces are Islam and the West”(Ikechukwu 16).

Terrorist Actives of Boko Haram

In a 2011 House of Representatives meeting, the subcommittee on counterterrorism and intelligence described the danger of Boko Haram:

“What makes Boko Haram particularly concerning is how quickly it has grown

over the past few years from a local militia to a more complex terror

organization which earlier this month carried out a series of coordinated

suicide bombings in several cities across the country (Nigeria), killing dozens

of people…Perhaps the most troubling aspect of the threat posed by Boko

Haram is the reports of increasing ties between the group and other terrorist

groups, including AQIM in North Africa and Al-Shabaab in Somalia. The

reported commingling of weapons, tactics, and personnel among these

groups may be one reason that Boko Haram has reportedly been able to

quickly develop its bomb-making expertise and tactics” (Boko Haram).

There is no debate that the ferocity and frequency of Boko Haram’s attacks have increased in recent years. One particularly troubling aspect of Boko Haram’s recent activity is their trend in mass abduction and rape of young girls. In an interview with the Independent, a young girl named Yada describes her experience, “When you are with them (Boko Haram), there is a constant fear that they can kill you. Or maybe the bombs or stray bullets from the government soldiers can also kill you. It was terrible…they said our men were pagans and they would marry us themselves. So the day before marriage, we jumped over the fence and ran”(Withnall). To this day Boko Haram continues to amass power and consolidate a highly sophisticated terrorist network. It is unclear what the future holds for the state of Nigeria and the future effects that Boko Haram will have on Nigeria and the region of northern Africa.

Village Women Kidnapped by Boko Haram.
Village Women Kidnapped by Boko Haram:This picture illustrates a Nigerian women that escaped the clutches of Boko Haram. The women, unnamed, stated that Boko Haram members were training her to become a suicide bomber.


Works Cited

“Boko Haram-Emerging Threat to the United States.” Committee on Homeland Security:

Hearing Before the Subcommittee on Counterterrorism and Intelligence (One Hundred Twelfth Congress Serial No. 112-60). 30 November 2011, pg. 3. Accessed 28 April 2016.

Cook, David B. Understanding Jihad. Berkeley: University of California Press. 2005. Accessed 28 April 2016. Pg.1.

(“Woodruff” 51307035200002486 online)

Esposito, John L. What Everyone Needs to Know About Islam. London: Oxford University

Press. 2011. Pg. 135.

Accessed 28 April 2016. (“Woodruff” 51309380880002486 online)

Harnischfeger, Johannes. “Boko Haram and Its Muslim Critics: Observations from Yobe

State.” In Islamism, Politics, Security and the State in Nigeria. Edited by Marc-Antoine Perouse de Montclos. Enschede, Netherlands: African Studies Centre Pub. 2014. Print.

pgs. 35-36.(“Woodruff” HV6433.N62B6542014)

Hefner, Robert W. Shari’a Politics Islamic Law and Society in the Modern World.

Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. 2011. Pg. 1. Accessed 28 April 2016.

Ikechukwu, Daniel. “The Islamic Resurgence and Boko Harm Insurgency in Nigeria.”

Diss. University of Massachusetts Lowell, 2014. Pg. 16. Proquest 1525215.

Accessed 28 April 2016.

Johnson, Toni and Mohammed Sergie. “Islam: Governing Under Sharia.” Council on Foreign 

Relations, 25 July 2014. Pg. 2. Http:// Accessed 28 April 2016.

Levtzion, Nehemia and Randall Pouwels. The History of Islam. Athens: Ohio University

Press. 2000. pgs.1-12.

Mohammed, Kyari. “The Message and Methods of Boko Haram.” In Islamism, Politics,

            Security and the State in Nigeria. Edited by Marc-Antoine Perouse de Montclos.

Enschede, Netherlands: African Studies Centre Pub. 2014. Print. pgs. 9-12.

(“Woodruff” HV6433.N62B6542014)

Withnall, Adam. “Two Years After Chibok, Boko Haram Survivors Describe How They Can

Never Truly Escape.” Independent. 15 April 2016.











This course examines the forces, actors, and sentiments behind violent episodes in twentieth-century African history. Opening with a discussion of issues surrounding the study of conflict in Africa, the course then moves chronologically focusing on violence. We will analyze the colonial and post-colonial periods through a series of case studies from across the continent. Each week, students will consider causes of conflict, the social factors at work within it, and the personal and communal impacts of experiencing and witnessing various forms of violence. We will tackle questions of responsibility in relation to ideas of justice and the problem of ‘living together’ again post-conflict.

This site is the ongoing and final product of the course. Throughout the semester, students will complete 3-5 page research projects on topics related to the course. These projects will then be uploaded onto the site. By semester’s end, students will have created a useful, encyclopedic site with which to learn from and study about violence in twentieth-century African history.